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Jack Kemp 9th In office February 13, 1989 – January 20, 1993 President Preceded by Succeeded by In office January 3, 1981 – June 4, 1987 Leader Preceded by Succeeded by Member of the from 's district In office January 3, 1983 – January 3, 1989 Preceded by Succeeded by Member of the from 's district In office January 3, 1973 – January 3, 1983 Preceded by Succeeded by Constituency abolished Member of the from 's district In office January 3, 1971 – January 3, 1973 Preceded by Succeeded by Personal details Born Jack French Kemp ( 1935-07-13)July 13, 1935, U.S. Died May 2, 2009 ( 2009-05-02) (aged 73),, U.S. Political party Spouse(s) Joanne Kemp Children 4 (including and ) Military service Allegiance United States of America Service/branch Years of service 1958–1962 Rank Unit Jack French Kemp (July 13, 1935 – May 2, 2009) was an American politician and a professional player.

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A, he served as in the administration of President from 1989 to 1993, having previously served nine terms as a for 's from 1971 to 1989. He was the Republican Party's nominee for Vice President in the, where he was the running mate of presidential nominee. Kemp had previously contended for the presidential nomination in the. Before entering politics, Kemp was a professional for 13 years. He played briefly in the (NFL) and the (CFL), but became a star in the (AFL). He served as of both the and and earned the award in 1965 after leading the Bills to a second consecutive championship. He played in the AFL for all 10 years of its existence, appeared in its seven times, played in its championship game five times, and set many of the league's career passing records.

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Kemp also co-founded the, for which he served five terms as president. During the early part of his football career, he served in the. As an economic conservative, Kemp advocated low taxes and policies during his political career. His positions spanned the social spectrum, ranging from his conservative opposition to abortion to his more libertarian stances advocating. As a proponent of both and supply-side economics, he is notable as an influence upon the agenda and the architect of the, which is known as the Kemp– tax cut. After his days in political office, Kemp remained active as a political advocate and commentator, and served on corporate and nonprofit organization boards. He also authored, co-authored, and edited several books.

He promoted American football and advocated for retired professional football players. Kemp was posthumously awarded the in 2009 by President. Congressional Portrait Collection image (c. 1975) As a self-described 'bleeding-heart conservative', Kemp represented a part of the suburban region known as the (that traditionally voted Democratic) in the from 1971 to 1989. He is as fondly remembered for his good hair and handsome looks as for his athletic prowess and political savvy, and was described as having the charisma of the earlier J.F.K.

Described Kemp as an independent politician who often legislated outside his ' jurisdictions and often spoke in favor of ideals and principles rather than his party's political platforms. As a supply-sider, he was not a proponent of and trivialized it while speaking of growth as an economic goal. The Republicans had drafted Kemp after incumbent congressman decided to run for the. During his inaugural campaign, his district was in economic malaise, and described him as a throwback who campaigned on, patriotism, sports, and defense. Upon his election to the Congress in a class of sixty-two freshmen, he was one of six newcomers—along with,,,, and —discussed in. The article described him as a football fan like United States President Richard Nixon and as the recipient of advice from White House adviser and former Kemp boss Herb Klein, Nixon's director of communications.

The Nixon aides encouraged Kemp to endorse the and to oppose criticism of Nixon's war policies in order to firm up Kemp's support from military hawks. Kemp championed several and issues: economic growth,,, and lower on both employment and investment income. He was a long-time proponent of the.

He also defended the use of forces in Central America, supported the, spoke for legislation, opposed abortion, and was the first lawmaker to popularize, which he supported to foster and and expand homeownership among public housing tenants. During his career, he sometimes sounded like a liberal: he supported and rights for. The New York Times described Kemp as the most proactive combatant in the war on poverty since. He differed from and earlier combatants such as by supporting incentive-based systems instead of traditional social programs.

For his commitment to inner city concerns from within the Republican party, heralded him as a 'courageous voice in the wilderness.' Although he was liberal on many social issues and supported civil liberties for homosexuals, he opposed certain such as the right to teach in schools. Kemp at times felt his role was that of 'freewheeling,, wildcatting.' Time magazine identified 38-year-old second-term congressman Kemp as a future leader in its 1974 'Faces for the Future' feature. Another early-career notable magazine appearance was in a 1978 issue of. The article explained allegations of homosexual activity among staffers in Ronald Reagan's Sacramento office in 1967; Kemp was not implicated. Kemp considered running for the U.S.

Senate in 1980 and mentioned him as a contender to unseat in the and was a front runner for the at the, where he received 43 votes from conservative detractors of George H. After he was reelected for a sixth term in 1980, his Republican peers elected him to a party leadership position, and he served seven years as chairman of the House Republican Conference. This promotion occurred immediately after Kemp and urged Reagan by memorandum to dedicate his first 100 days to working on an economic package with Congress. Kemp considered running for in 1982 but ultimately decided to stay in the House.

By 1984, many viewed Kemp as Reagan's heir apparent. (October 25, 1980) Kemp had his first encounter with supply-side economics in 1976, when 's interviewed him at his Congressional office. Kemp questioned Wanniski all day (until midnight, at Kemp's home) and was eventually converted to professor 's supply-side discipline.

Thereafter, Kemp espoused supply-side economics freely, and in 1978 he and Sen. Of Delaware proposed tax-cutting legislation.

Kemp has been credited as responsible for supply-side economics' inclusion in President Reagan's economic plan, although at the time of 's recognition some attributed much of the credit to Mundell, Laffer,, and Wanniski. In 1979, Kemp wrote An American Renaissance ( ), to deliver his message that 'A rising tide lifts all boats.' Although the realization of early 1980s tax cuts are attributed to Reagan, they were initiated by Kemp and Roth through their 1981 legislation. Reagan's budget based on this legislation passed over the objection of Chairman. During the Reagan years, Kemp and his followers ignored budget balancing while promoting tax cuts and economic growth. These tax cuts have been credited by conservatives for the economic growth from 1983 to 1990, which by 1996 had become one of the longest expansions in American history.

Kemp notes that 's success at stemming inflation and the favorable regulatory environment were also major factors. Detractors note that the expansion was fueled by undesirable sectors like, prisons,, and credit card use. An early Kemp tax reform attempt was an unsuccessful 1979 proposal to index tax brackets for fluctuations, which was incorporated in Reagan's 1980 package. Kemp co-sponsored a legislative attempt at enterprise zones in 1980. One of Kemp's more trying times as a congressman came in 1982 when Reagan decided to reverse the tax cuts and promote tax increases.

The reversal was controversial and stimulated opposition by Kemp. Nonetheless, the revised taxes passed. In 1983, Kemp opposed the policies of chairman Volcker on multiple occasions.

The debates included domestic monetary involvement and roles in funding the. Kemp delivered speeches at several. He addressed the convention on July 15 at the 1980 Republican National Convention in and on August 21 at the in. During the 1984 Convention, with as Republican Party Platform Committee chairman, Congressmen Kemp and claimed control of the party platform to the consternation of G.O.P.

Senators and. Kemp's official role was as the chairman of the platform subcommittee on foreign policy. However, the three platform planks that he proposed involved tax hikes, the gold standard and the role of the. Despite Kemp's official role, his real influence as an author was on the grammatical structure of the plank on tax hikes. By 1985, Kemp was a leading contender for the 1988 Presidential nomination. He also delivered remarks on free enterprise zones at the in, Texas.

Despite efforts and considerations of expanding his political domain, Kemp never held a fundraiser outside of his suburban Western New York district until well into his eighth term in Congress. Kemp was a critic of association football, known as soccer in the United States.

In 1986, during a House floor debate over whether the United States should host the, Kemp proclaimed: 'I think it is important for all those young out there—who someday hope to play real, where you throw it and kick it and run with it and put it in your hands—[that] a distinction should be made that football is democratic capitalism, whereas soccer is a European socialist sport.' Kemp compared his speech to 's 1984 comedy routine on the differences between baseball and American football and wrote that his 'tongue was firmly planted in cheek' when making the speech. Despite the levity of the speech, it garnered significant backlash. However, he continued to insist that soccer's main problem is 'it doesn't have a quarterback'. Kemp noted that about half of his grandchildren play or have played organized soccer and claimed to have 'changed' his position on soccer.

He even attended the 1994 FIFA World Cup with longtime soccer fan, although he wrote during the that soccer can be interesting to watch but is still a 'boring game'. Presidential bid (1988) [ ]. Kemp as he leaves a meet-the-candidates rally for 1988 Republican presidential candidates in County Stadium in, on October 3, 1987. Is standing directly behind Kemp's left shoulder. In 1988, if Kemp had won his campaign for the United States Presidency, it would have made him the first person to move from the United States House of Representatives to the White House since. When he formed his exploratory committee, he signed, Reagan's 1984 re-election political director, as an advisor. From the outset, Kemp had failed to position himself as the primary alternative to Vice President Bush.

Except for a select few cognoscenti, the general public did not recognize Kemp's leadership ability, although he was a successful man of ideas. In fact, most of the Republican electorate found themselves unfamiliar with Kemp early in his campaign. Political pundits recognized him, however, as a visionary idea man. In addition, he was quickly perceived as a verbose speaker who sometimes lost contact with his audience. Although Kemp tried to appeal to conservatives, his philosophies of tolerance and individual rights and his commitment to supporting minorities, women, workers and clashed with conservative voters' social and religious values. To Democrats, Kemp's free-market philosophies were a form of anarchy.

However, as much as Kemp wanted to minimize government's role, he acknowledged that moves toward a more laissez-faire system should be well-thought out. After the May 1987 – scandal, a by The New York Times requested things such as psychiatric records and access to files from all 14 presidential candidates. Candidates from each party expressed opinions on both sides of the personal privacy issue, and Kemp rejected the Times inquiry as 'beneath the dignity of a presidential candidate'. His campaign was on an early positive course with many key early endorsements in New Hampshire, but Bush held the support of much of the Republican establishment in New York.

Although he had an eclectic mix of supporters, Kemp's campaign began borrowing against anticipated Federal because it had quickly spent itself into the red, which may have been due to the use of expensive fundraising techniques. To offset his socially moderate stances, Kemp clarified his opposition to abortion, his support of the (SDI) and his support for a stronger military than that favored by Secretary of State. To position himself as Reagan's successor, Kemp called for Shultz's resignation based on claims that Shultz had neglected in and and had waffled on SDI. In an attempt to highlight his stands on key Reagan Era foreign policy initiatives, Kemp traveled in September 1987 to Costa Rica, Honduras and El Salvador to lobby the presidents of those nations against the Arias Peace Plan—a peace accord US conservatives felt too conciliatory to Central American communists. He was accompanied on the trip by 50-plus US conservative leaders. Despite a platform covering the full range of political subjects, Kemp's primary campaign weapon was a fiscal policy based on tax cuts. As part of his fiscal policy, he opposed a benefits freeze and endorsed a freeze on government spending.

Some viewed Kemp's supply-side stance as an attempt to ignore the national. In late 1987, political pundits saw that Kemp needed to gain support from the far right on non-social issues. Kemp was among the majority of Republican candidates in opposition to Reagan's agreement with the 's despite general Republican voter approval of the treaty. With aspirations of support from right-wing voters, all candidates with low levels of poll support for the nomination took this same 'sabre-rattling' stand. By early 1988, the moderates (Bush and Dole) were clearly the front-runners and Kemp was battling with as the conservative alternative to the moderates. He used a somewhat negative advertising campaign that seemed to have the intended initial effect of boosting him to serious contention.

His 1988 campaign was based on the platform of supply-side economics and inner-city enterprise zones. In Bare Knuckles and Back Rooms: My Life in American Politics, campaign chairman Rollins described Kemp as a candidate with foibles. Kemp's campaign managers say he was unmanageable: he ignored timers on his speeches, refused to call contributors, and refused to practice for debates. A humbling, in which his 39 delegate total was fewer than eventual nominee and President Bush and both Dole and Pat Robertson, ended his campaign. After withdrawing from the race, he was still considered a contender for the Vice President nomination. In 1989, the Kemps switched their official residence from, New York to, their residence at the time of his death.

In 1994, Kemp's 1988 campaign reached a settlement with the by agreeing to pay $120,000 in for 1988 campaign election law violations for, among other things, excessive contributions, improper direct corporate donations, press overbilling, exceeding spending limits in and, and failure to reimburse corporations for providing air transportation. Cabinet (1989–1993) [ ]. HUD Secretary Kemp with Sybil Mobley, a Dean. As a so-called 'bleeding-heart conservative', Kemp was a logical choice for Bush as the, whose job would be to foster and methods to meet the demands of public housing. However, the scandals of Reagan's Secretary of Housing and Urban Development and the neglect of the president were obstacles from the start, and Kemp was unsuccessful at either of his major initiatives: enacting enterprise zones and promoting public housing tenant ownership.

The goal of these two plans was to change public housing into tenant-owned residences and to lure industry and business into inner cities with federal incentives. Although Kemp did not affect much policy as HUD's director, he cleaned up HUD's reputation, and developed a plan to salvage the troubled. He halted or revamped corrupt programs and developed an antidrug offensive, which enabled him to collaborate with. He supported 'Operation Clean Sweep' and similar movements to prohibit firearm possession in public housing.

Although Kemp coaxed Bush to support a $4 billion housing program that encouraged public housing tenants to buy their own apartments, the Congress allocated only $361 million to the plan. In addition to opposition in Congress, Kemp fought White House, who opposed Kemp's pet project HOPE (Homeownership and Opportunity for People Everywhere). The project involved selling public housing to its tenants. Darman also opposed Kemp's proposed welfare adjustment of government offsets. HOPE was first proposed to White House chief of staff in June 1989 to create enterprise zones, increase subsidies for low-income renters, expand social services for the homeless and elderly, and enact tax changes to help first-time home buyers. Sununu opposed it at first as did most of the, but in August 1990 Sununu, at the urging of, encouraged President Bush to endorse Kemp's Economic Empowerment Task Force.

However, the and the budget negotiations overshadowed Kemp's new project. Darman battled Kemp and his allies such as Gingrich,, and. The budget left him with $256 million for his plan, which Kemp increased during some appropriations battles. Soon after was appointed chief White House domestic policy advisor, Kemp's Economic Empowerment Task Force was abolished.

President Bush avoided federal antipoverty issues, and instead used Kemp as a mouthpiece to speak on the administration's low priority conservative activist agenda. Bush's contribution to the urban agenda had been through his 'Points of Light' theme, and Kemp received stronger support for his ideas from Presidential candidate.

By the time of the, Bush was a bit late in supporting enterprise zones, tenant ownership and welfare reform: compared Bush's vision on racial issues to that of a man riding backwards in a railroad car. Nonetheless, the riots made Kemp a focal point of the administration, even though at first, Kemp had been overlooked. However, had probably summarized the prospects of Kemp's success in advance best when he said in 1989, 'Good ideas with money can do a whole lot. Good ideas without money aren't probably going to do a whole lot,' and the issue here was the decision not to fund Kemp's ideas. Although Kemp was unable to procure money for his visions, he was among the administration's leading users of. He cited lingering effects from a knee injury as the reason he had to fly first class at government expense as the Housing Secretary. Generally, his time as housing secretary was considered unsuccessful.

However, although he could not get federal funding for empowerment zones passed during his tenure, by 1992 38 states had created empowerment zones, and in 1994 $3.5 billion was approved for them under President Clinton. A free market Kemp initiative to allow homeowners to subdivide their houses for the purpose of creating rental units without inordinate bureaucracy did not get executed under the Clinton administration, however. In 1992, with mounting a formidable campaign, Kemp was again considered a Vice Presidential candidate. Kemp was partly at fault for not achieving either of his primary goals because he did not get along with the rest of the Cabinet. At one point, Kemp told,, that Bush's best chance to win reelection was to dump his economic advisors in dramatic fashion.

Before the, Kemp and six prominent Republican conservatives prepared a controversial memo urging Bush to revise his economic policy. Contemporaneously, conservative Republicans in office and in the media such as and felt should be ousted in favor of Kemp.

This followed Kemp's reference to parts of the President's economic policy as 'gimmicks' after the 1992. Kemp was respected within the party for opposing Bush, and towards the end of Bush's administration insiders recognized his value. In late 1991, 81 of the 166 Republican Congressmen signed a letter co-authored by and requesting that Bush cede some domestic authority to Kemp as a 'domestic policy czar.' The letter, highlighting Kemp's 'energy, enthusiasm and national clout', insulted Bush. Kemp was a bit of a surprise to stay in the for the duration of his presidency, and he was described as one of the few Bush Administration members who would take tough stands. Kemp did not expect to be retained if the Republicans were reelected in 1992, and some pundits agreed with him.

Post-HUD years (1993–1996) [ ] Kemp gave public speeches for $35,000 apiece between his time as Housing Secretary and his Vice Presidential nomination. By 1994, Kemp had embarked on 241 fund-raising dinners to raise $35 million for a 1996 Presidential bid and to pay off his 1988 campaign debts. After stepping down from his $189,000 Secretary of Housing and Urban Development job, Kemp personally earned $6.9 million in the next three years, primarily for speaking on behalf of local Republican candidates. During the festivities, Kemp hosted a notable fundraiser series. Kemp was considered the star of the 1992 Republican National Convention.

In 1992 and 1993, Kemp was considered the favorite or co-favorite for the 1996 Presidential nomination. At the time of the 1994, Kemp was widely anticipated to announce his candidacy for 1996, and his supporters wanted a formal announcement by the end of the year. In January 1995, Kemp's stated reason for not entering the was that his personal beliefs were out of balance with the contemporary Republican political landscape: Kemp opposed, he always preferred tax cuts to anything resembling a and, unlike most Republicans, favored federal incentives to combat urban poverty. In 1995, noted Kemp was not in step with the 1994.

Kemp also noted a distaste for the vast fundraising necessary for a Presidential campaign. Gergen stated that by 1996 the selection process had become so expensive, mean and personally invasive that it discouraged several top Republicans from running. In 1995, while the world awaited the campaign decision announcement by, Kemp had positive thoughts on the prospect of such a campaign. Dole and Gingrich appointed Kemp to head a tax reform commission, (the ), in response to voter concern that the had become too complicated. Kemp championed many issues including the flat tax, which he formally proposed after he was appointed.

The proposal included some politically popular income, such as mortgage interest, but it remained fairly general. Among the 1996 Republican Party candidates, both and proposed the flat tax. During the campaign, Kemp's endorsement was highly coveted. Forbes had tried to get Kemp to run in the 1996 campaign, but Kemp declined and in fact endorsed Forbes just as Dole was closing in on the nomination, and just after Dole gained the endorsements of former contenders and. Some feel the primary reason for the endorsement was to keep the flat tax idea and other supply-side views alive.

Many thought Kemp had destroyed his own political future with the endorsement, and Kemp profusely apologized to Dole's campaign offices. After it became clear Dole would be the nominee, Kemp attempted to form a seminar with to produce a fiscal plan that could be endorsed by both parties. Kemp was also outspoken on immigration on around this time: according to Kemp's interpretation of a scientific index that he and Bennett support, 'immigrants are a blessing, not a curse.' In 1994, Kemp and Bennett opposed California ballot, a measure to bar illegal immigrants from obtaining public services, in direct opposition to first-term Republican California Governor, one of its endorsers who was running for re-election. Republican Senate candidate had also endorsed the proposition.

Kemp supported rights for illegal immigrants, and opposed and 's proposed restrictions on legal immigration. Vice Presidential nomination (1996) [ ]. And Kemp were featured on the cover of, but were nearly displaced by a story about (inset on cover) Kemp had a reputation as the highest-profile progressive Republican. When Dole declined an invitation to speak to the, he suggested Kemp as a substitute even before Kemp had become the Vice Presidential nominee.

On August 5, 1996, Dole announced a 15% across-the-board tax cut in response to both the Forbes campaign and Kemp's tax reform commission. Several of Dole's other campaign ideas came from Kemp and Bill Bennett's, which had, Weber, Forbes and Alexander as principals. For example, Dole borrowed Kirkpatrick's tough, Bennett's 'right conduct' and even Alexander's school choice interest.

Bennett declined the offer to be Dole's running mate but suggested Kemp, a man described as Dole's antagonist. On August 16, 1996, the chose Kemp as its vice presidential, running alongside former Senator Dole. Kemp was seen as a means to attract conservative and -minded voters like those of tough nomination-challengers Forbes and. Kemp was chosen over,, and, and it is assumed that this was partly because Kemp had several former staffers in influential positions as Dole's senior advisors.

Dole had had a long history of representing the budget-balancing faction of the Party, while Kemp had had a long history of representing the tax-cutting advocates, and Kemp's tax-cutting fiscal track record was seen as the perfect fit for the ticket. When Kemp became Dole's running mate in 1996, they appeared on the cover of the August 19, 1996 issue of, but the pair barely edged out a story on the reported discovery of on, which was so close to being the cover story that Time inset it on the cover and wrote about how difficult the decision was. The two politicians had a storied history stemming from alternative perspectives and objectives. Dole was a longstanding conservative deficit hawk who had even voted against 's tax cuts, while Kemp was an outspoken supply-sider.

In the early 1980s, according to, Kemp persuaded Reagan to make a 30% across-the-board tax cut a central feature. Once Reagan was elected, Dole was the chairman who Kemp claims resisted the plan every step of the way. Dole concedes he expressed reservations about the 1981 plan.

The big confrontation came after the tax plan was approved and after Dole subsequently proposed tax increases that he referred to as reforms. Kemp was vocal in his opposition to the reforms and even penned an piece in The New York Times, which enraged Dole. Reagan supported the reforms at Dole's request, causing Kemp to summon allies to meetings to stop the act, which eventually passed in 1982. At the 1984 Republican National Convention, Kemp, along with allies such as Gingrich and Lott, added a plank to the party platform that put President Reagan on record as ruling out tax increases. Gingrich called this action 'Dole proofing' the platform, and the plank passed over Dole's opposition.

Then, in 1985, Dole proposed an austere budget that barely passed in the senate with patient casting the tying vote and Vice President Bush casting the deciding vote. In meetings with the president that excluded Dole, Kemp reworked the budget to exclude crucial cutbacks. This is said to have been Dole's most crushing political defeat and to have contributed to the Republican loss of control of the Senate. During the 1988 presidential election, the two antagonized each other. After Bush won and Kemp left Congress for the Cabinet, the two did not really cross paths again until 1996, when Kemp endorsed Dole's opponent Forbes on the eve of the New York Primary in March. Dole despised Kemp's economic theories, but he felt Kemp-like tax cuts offered his best chance at electoral success. For his part, Kemp had to make concessions as well: he had to back expelling the children of illegal immigrants from despite his longstanding opposition to and mute his opposition to abolishing affirmative-action programs in California.

Some derided Kemp for his compromise and referred to him as a '. From the outset of their campaign, Dole-Kemp trailed, and they faced skeptics even from within the party. However, Kemp was able to use the nomination to promote his opposition to Clinton's partial birth abortion ban veto. During the campaign, Kemp and Forbes advocated for a stronger stand on tax cutting than Dole used. However, in general, the opinion was that Kemp was helpful to the ticket's chances of catching, and Kemp's advocacy gave a clear picture of the tax reforms that would likely occur on the condition of a successful campaign. Kemp was seen as likely to influence several types of, especially those of his native state of California, and even the Democrats feared Kemp might lure voters. After receiving the nomination, Kemp became the ticket's spokesman for minorities and the inner-city.

Due to agreement on the self-help policy that has endorsed in many fora including the, Kemp in a sense aligned himself with Farrakhan. However, Farrakhan was perceived as being, and Kemp was considered an ally of Republican Jews.

This issue necessitated some political sidestepping. As the nominee, Kemp at times overshadowed Dole. In fact, more than once, Kemp was described as if he was the Presidential nominee. In addition to having overshadowed Dole, despite the negative ad campaigns that the ticket used, Kemp was a very positive running mate who relied on a type of campaign tour full of football-related metaphors and hyperbole. Although some enjoyed Kemp's style, referring to him as the Good Shepherd, his detractors, such as writer, criticized the extensive use of recounting stories of passing relative to the use of recounting stories of passing. During the campaign, Kemp expressed the opinion that Republican Party leaders did not stand behind the ticket wholeheartedly.

Despite Kemp's voice on minority issues, Colin Powell's support and polls that showed about 30% of blacks identified themselves as conservatives on issues such as, and, the Republicans were unable to improve upon historical support levels from African-American voters. Both and Kemp had Presidential aspirations, which induced pursuit of debate on a higher plane. In addition, Gore and Kemp were long-time friends, unlike Gore and his previous vice presidential opponent.

Thus, as debaters they avoided personal attacks. However, some felt Kemp failed to counter substantive attacks. In the final October 9, 1996 Vice Presidential Debate against (held as the Dole–Kemp ticket trailed badly in the national polls), Kemp was soundly beaten, and Al Gore's performance is considered one of the best modern debate performances.

The debate topics ranged broadly from the usual such as abortion and foreign policy to the unusual such as an incident preceding the then-current baseball playoffs, in which, the ', cursed and spat on an. The Mexico policy debate was one of the more interesting topics for critical review. The Gore victory was not a surprise since Kemp had been outmatched by Gore in previous encounters, and Gore had a reputation as an experienced and vaunted debater. Kemp speaks at the in 2006. His legacy includes the of the 1980s, also known as the first of two ' tax cuts.' These served as the foundation of supply-side economics, known as.

Many Republicans have endorsed this view that tax cuts spur economic growth and reduce. Although George H. Bush called this philosophy, and his Treasury Secretary,, were believers. Kemp is also remembered alongside and for influencing history by changing the direction of presidential elections despite their defeats. In the early 21st century, Kemp continued to be considered along with Reagan as the politician most responsible for the implementation of supply-side tax cuts and along with as the political figure most responsible for their continued place in the marketplace of political ideas. He has been described as a beacon of economic conservatism and a hero for his urban agenda.

Today, he continues to be described as a hero to conservatives who believe that free markets and low taxes work better than government bureaucracies. Kemp was considered the leader of the progressive conservatives who adhere to the hard right on social issues, but avoid fiscal and trade policy. In addition to Roth, he has had numerous political allies. At times, he collaborated with Gingrich and Lott on deregulation and tax cuts, collaborated with McCain and on tax cuts and spending restraints, legislated with and campaigned for, and fought poverty with.

Was a progressive conservative ally. After retiring from Congress and serving in the Cabinet, Kemp remained close to Gingrich, Lott, Weber, and Mack. Kemp was a member of the federal committee to promote as a. As a progressive voter, he had leaders such as, and and conservative black intellectuals like and Robert L. Woodson as supporters and friends. He boasted of having Democratic friends such as, and.

Was a Deputy Secretary under Kemp. During the Reagan presidency, when Kemp was able to effect tax cutting, a leading tax-cutting proponent was Democrat, a former basketball star. Several American football players have followed Kemp to Congress:,, and. Congressman cites Kemp as a mentor, and mentioned him in his acceptance speech as the Vice-Presidential nominee in 2012. Senator in a severe rebuke of federal governmental policy, stated just one day after Kemp died of cancer, that Kemp would still be alive if the federal government had done a better job funding cancer research.

Late career [ ]. Kemp with, and (c. May 2004) In 1993, Kemp, Bennett, Kirkpatrick and financial backer co-founded the, which later merged with to form. Empower America represented the wing of the party: while avoiding divisive issues such as abortion and gay rights, it promoted free markets and growth over balancing the budget and cutting the deficit.

He resigned as Co-Chairman of Freedom Works in March 2005 after the (FBI) questioned his ties to Samir Vincent, a oil trader implicated in the who pleaded guilty to four criminal charges, including illegally acting as an unregistered lobbyist of the of. Testimony about Kemp became prominent in the trial.

Also, FBI Richard Fino tied Kemp to James Cosentino just weeks before the 1996 election. By 1996, Kemp had been named a of six. He was a director for Hawk Corporation,, CNL Hotels and Resorts,, Corporation and American Bankers Insurance Group.

Kemp briefly served on the board of, whose CEO was his friend, in 1996, but resigned when he ran for Vice President; he was named to the board of in December 2005. Kemp opted not to stand for re-election to IDT's board in 2006.

He also served on the board of directors, and served on the board of -based software maker EzGov Inc. Kemp also served on the board of directors of, which was the private company that ran the world's first election on the internet (won by Al Gore), the 2000 Arizona Democratic Primary. Kemp was also a business partner with Edra and promoting membership in the elite private ski and golf. Kemp also partnered with the Blixseths in a failed anti-terrorism software venture called Blxware which was investigated for 'conning' the federal government out of $20 million in contracts for software which fraudulently claimed to detect secret messages from in television broadcast signals.

Kemp was the founder and chairman of Kemp Partners, a strategic consulting firm that helps clients achieve both business and public policy goals. In addition to corporate, Kemp served on several advisory boards such as the Advisory Board, and the Toyota Diversity Advisory Board as well as the Board of Trustees, on which he served since 1993. On March 25, 2003, Kemp was selected as chairman of the board of Directors of, a national advocacy group for amateur football created by the (NFL) and the. The organization supports,,,,,, and the.

He was also vice president of. Kemp,, and at DC Vote rally on In the late 1990s, Kemp remained outspoken on political issues: he was critical of Clinton's lax policies toward South Korea.

In early 1998, he was a serious contender for the, but his campaign possibilities faltered, and he instead endorsed eventual winner George W. Kemp continued his political advocacy for reform of taxation, Social Security and education. When a 1997 budget surplus was earmarked for debt repayment, Kemp opposed the plan in favor of tax cuts. Along with and, he endorsed reform of to eliminate. In addition to his fiscal and economic policies, Kemp advocated against abortion when Congress was considering a bill banning. He also advocated for retired NFL veterans on issues such as cardiovascular screening,, disability benefits, and the 2007 program.

He argued in support of reforming immigration laws. In the late 1990s, Kemp also was a vocal advocate for free market reform in Africa, arguing that the continent had great economic growth potential if it could shed and governmental policies. In 1997, when Gingrich was embroiled in a House ethics controversy, Kemp served as an between Dole and Gingrich to save the Republican Party leader. Later, in 2002, when Lott made caustic remarks about, Kemp was upset, and he supported Lott's apology, saying he had encouraged him to 'repudiate segregation in every manifestation.'

Kemp was among the prominent leaders who pledged to raise money in 2005 for 's defense when he was charged with and in a case regarding the release of information. In June 2004, Kemp rescinded his support of for Congress due to the latter's views on immigration laws, citing Robinson's choice to run 'as a Republican'. In 2006 Kemp, along with 2004 vice-presidential nominee, co-chaired the task force on Russia, producing a document called 'Russia's Wrong Direction: What the United States Can and Should Do'. After their task force roles ended, the pair advocated solutions to poverty in America at various fora. Kemp with then- Barack Obama at the Public Internet Channel launch at the in 2006. On January 6, 2008, Kemp endorsed McCain in the shortly before the, which surprised conservative Republican tax cutters.

However, as McCain neared the official nomination, the press associated McCain with Kemp more and more. Kemp prepared an open letter to,, and other conservative talk show hosts on McCain's behalf to quell their dissatisfactions.

In addition, Kemp and Phil Gramm advised McCain on economic policy. In February 2008, Kemp was associated with a group called 'Defense of Democracies' that was advocating an bill that failed in the House of Representatives.

The group's caused such controversy that some of its advisors, including Schumer and, resigned. He was a member of the advisory council of the and served as Co-Chair of the Cabinet. He was a board member for the, which is named after, and is awarded annually to college football's Defensive IMPACT Player of the Year. Illness and death [ ]. Kemp in 2007 On January 7, 2009, Kemp's office issued a statement announcing that he had cancer; the type of cancer and the anticipated treatment were not announced. His and were never publicly disclosed. However, he continued to serve as chairman of his Washington-based Kemp Partners consulting firm and continued his involvement in charitable and political work until his death.

On May 2, 2009, Kemp died at his home in Bethesda, Maryland, from; he was 73. President praised Kemp's work on race, adding that Kemp understood that divisions involving race and class stood in the way of the country's common goals. Former President said that Kemp 'will be remembered for his significant contributions to the Reagan Revolution and his steadfast dedication to conservative principles during his long and distinguished career in public service.' In April 2008, Kemp had announced plans to establish the Jack F. Kemp Institute of Political Economy at 's School of Public Policy. The plans were later scrapped and Kemp died the next year. Following his death, Jack's son,, created the Jack Kemp Foundation in late 2009 to continue his father's legacy.

A 501(c)(3) charitable organization, the foundation's mission statement is to 'develop, engage and recognize exceptional leaders who champion the American Idea'. The foundation is located in Washington, D.C, and is committed to advancing the universal values of the American Idea: growth, freedom, democracy and hope. Electoral history [ ]. Main article: Books [ ] In addition to authoring significant legislation as a congressman, Kemp wrote or co-authored several books: • An American Idea: Ending Limits to Growth, (Washington, DC: American Studies Center, 1984, no ISBN) •, (New York, N.Y.: Institute for Democratic Socialism, 1979, no ISBN) • An American Renaissance: Strategy for the 1980s, (, Harper & Row, 1979) • The IRS v. The People, (, Heritage Books, 2005) Authored by and edited by Kemp • Trusting the People: The Dole-Kemp Plan to Free the Economy and Create a Better America, ( audiobook, ASIN B000OEV5RE HarperCollins, 1996) coauthored with Bob Dole, narrated by • Together We Can Meet the Challenge: Winning the Fight Against Drugs, (, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, 1994) • Pro Sports: Should the Government Intervene?, (, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1977) • U.S. By the Numbers: What's Left, Right & Wrong with America, (, Capital Books, Incorporated, 2000) with Raymond J.

Keating, and Thomas N. Edmonds • Our Communities, Our Homes: Pathways to Housing and Homeownership in America's Cities and States, (, Joint Center for Housing Studies, 2007) with, Kent W.

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Has original works written by or about: • United States Congress... • on • • Career statistics and player information from • • • • • • • in the • – Daily Telegraph obituary • at • at Awards and achievements Preceded by 1965 Served alongside: Succeeded by Preceded by Member of the from 1971–1973 Succeeded by Preceded by Member of the from 1973–1983 Constituency abolished Preceded by Member of the from 1983–1989 Succeeded by Party political offices Preceded by 1981–1987 Succeeded by Preceded by for Political offices Preceded by 1989–1993 Succeeded. • 1966: • 1969: • 1970: • 1971: • 1972: • 1973: No award • 1974: • 1975: • 1976: • 1977: Joyce • 1978: No award • 1979: • 1980: • 1981: • 1982: Silver Anniversary (all honored) –,,,, • 1983: & • 1984: • 1985: Flynn • 1986: • 1987: • 1988: • 1989: • 1990: • 1991: • 1992: • 1993: • 1994: • 1995: • 1996: Monan, S.J • 1997: No award • 1998: • 1999: No award • 2000: Decio • 2001: Frank • 2002: • 2003: • 2004: • 2005: • 2006: • 2007: • 2008: • 2009: • 2010: • 2011: • 2012: • 2013: • 2014: No award • 2015: Byrne, Tew & White • 2016.

• 1958: • 1959: • 1960: & • 1961: • 1962: • 1963: Roger Q. Blough • 1964: • 1965: • 1966: • 1967: • 1968: Chester J.

LaRoche • 1969: • 1970: • 1971: • 1972: • 1973: • 1974: • 1975: • 1976: Edgar B. Speer • 1977: • 1978: • 1979: • 1980: • 1981: • 1982: - All Honored,,,, • 1983: • 1984: • 1985: William I. Spencer • 1986: • 1987: • 1988: • 1989: • 1990: • 1991: • 1992: • 1993: • 1994: • 1995: • 1996: Gene Corrigan • 1997: • 1998: • 1999: • 2000: Fred M.

Kirby II • 2001: • 2002: • 2003: • 2004: • 2005: Jon F. Hanson • 2006: & • 2007: & • 2008: • 2009: & • 2010: • 2011: • 2012: • 2013: & • 2014: & George Weiss • 2015: • 2016. • (1960–1961) • (1960–1961) • (1960) • (1960) • (1961–1962) • (1961) • (1962) • (1962–1967, 1969) • (1963–1965) • (1967–1968) • (1968–1970) • (1968) • (1968) • (1969, 1971) • (1970–1972) • (1972) • (1973–1984) • (1976) • (1984) • (1985) • (1985) • (1986–1996) • (1987) • (1987) • (1987) • (1989–1991, 1994) • (1995–1997) • (1997, 2001) • (1998–2000) • (1998–2001) • (2002–2004) • (2005–2008) • (2005) • (2007–2010) • (2009–2012) • (2009–2010) • (2013–2016) • (2013) • (2013) • (2014) • (2015) • (2015–present) • (2017).

• • • • • • • play a significant and pivotal role in the lives of young athletes. For involved in sports programs in their schools, these physical activities help them develop and enrich their self-esteem, mental alertness, and overall behavior. Being involved in school programs also allow students to have motivation and an outlet for their energy, while keeping their body and mind physically fit. Prep Your Athletic Budget and Program Due to the above mentioned reasons, it is important to have a well-established school athletic program for students to join in and enjoy.

However, like any or, this would require a budget and proper allocation of resources. The Athletic Budget Template for Excel is a useful tool to help you create your own athletic budget to maximize resources and ensure that all expenses are covered.

An Athletic Budget Template is a list of Expense Items that make up your schools athletic or sports program. This can also cover any sport events that are prevalent in schools and are a source of pride and morale for students and teachers alike. This template can greatly help you keep a well-executed athletic program that is within budget. Keep Score on Your Budget This Athletic Budget Template is an Excel file that is made up of three worksheet tabs. The first worksheet tab is the Budget Data Entry tab.

This lets you list all the needs of your athletic program, Budgeted Cost and Actual Cost. A beautiful feature of this template is the flag at the far end of each row. This flag turns into green to show if your actual expenses fall within the budget, and red if you have exceeded your budget. The second tab is the Budget Report. This shows in detail the Expenses of the sports program or event. The figures under Expenses are set against Budgeted and Actual Costs, with a column to show the difference of each item. This displays in detail where your funds went.

This is set against the figures of your Revenue. Here, it shows how much you have earned for conducting the event or program.

This also contains a Budgeted and Actual Cost of Revenue. This information is then translated into a visual representation using line graphs of Budget vs. Actual, and Over/Under Budget Trend. The last tab is the List Data, which merely contains the list of items for Revenue and Expenses. This free Excel template works with Microsoft Excel 2013 and earlier versions. Related Posts • Effective and efficient event management means that an event is on schedule and within budget, among other things. Successful events have a lot of careful • Keeping a household budget lets you keep track of your expenses while avoiding unnecessary ones.

A household budget ensures that you don’t spend more than • Families and households, not just businesses, can also benefit by having a monthly budget. In essence, having a budget lets you monitor your expenses so • Every household, big or small, operates like a business. There are incomes and expenses that have to be managed together for things to operate well. • When you are not smart about your eating habits, sooner or later, you’re going to be sick. The same thing applies when you are not.

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